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Authorities slowed down internet connections and at times completely blocked access to servers and data outside Iran during antigovernment protests in January Internet penetration, bandwidth, and speeds have increased markedly in recent years due to immense investment in ICTs. Both the Iranian government and the International Telecommunication Union ITU estimated internet penetration at approximately 60 percent in Both Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, and the parliament have warned the administration against increasing bandwidth before the country's national information network SHOMA is ready.

The plans included development of the national wireless network, including 4. The Rouhani administration has demonstrated a consistent commitment to developing SHOMA as part of its overall drive to boost connectivity.

The deputy ICT minister claimed that domestic traffic accounted for 40 percent of all internet usage as of March , up from only 10 percent one year earlier. Similarly, the amount devoted to SHOMA rose by 1 percent, having increased the previous year by 44 percent. The ICT Ministry reported that over 27, villages were connected to high-speed internet during the first four years of the Rouhani administration. Official figures claim that no rural villages were previously connected to high-speed internet. Iranian private and state-backed companies have also been seeking foreign investment.

However, a move to prioritize local content through differential pricing threatens net neutrality, the principle that providers should not discriminate against certain types of content or services. In January , Vaezi ordered internet service providers ISPs to implement a new "National Information Network Tariff" whereby certain domestic traffic is priced at a 50 percent discount. The nongovernmental organization Small Media noted that the list favored semiofficial and government-run news sites at the expense of other, more popular news sites.

Some ISPs also discounted access to websites that did not feature on the list. As of May , most providers of fixed-line internet service had reportedly implemented the discount, although only one mobile provider had done so. In December , Iran's new ICT minister, Mohammad-Javad Azari Jahromi, announced that the 50 percent discount would be extended to all domestic websites, not just those on the previously selected list.

The development of SHOMA and the state's control over the internet backbone provides the government with the ability to throttle foreign connection speeds during politically sensitive periods without crippling critical services. At the height of antigovernment protests across the country in the first few days of January , authorities slowed down internet connections and at times completely blocked access to servers and data outside Iran.

The network monitor BGPmon noted in a tweet that international traffic temporarily dropped by nearly 50 percent on January 1. In October after the report's coverage period , the IRGC announced that it was selling its stake in the telecommunications giant. The telecommunications industry is tightly controlled by the government or related entities. Direct access to the internet via satellite is only permitted for certain institutes and is prohibited for personal use.

The mobile phone market is under similar state influence. There is no independent regulatory body for ICTs in Iran. Its head is appointed by the ICT minister. For example, it has awarded licenses that allowed new ISPs to enter the market, increasing consumer choice. The council was established through a decree from the supreme leader and is composed of 17 representatives from government institutions and 10 members appointed by Khamenei. Observers believe this reflected his dwindling trust in then president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to lead such an important policy area.

The SCC has been routinely criticized for being disorganized, [ 32 ] not holding enough meetings, [ 33 ] and not doing enough to encourage Iranians to use the internet in a "clean" and Islamic fashion.

Background

Significant restrictions on content have been in place since Major international platforms like Facebook and Twitter remain blocked, and although newer social media and communication applications have generally been accessible, Telegram and Instagram faced government blocking efforts during the coverage period. Censorship decisions remain highly politicized, with both conservative and reformist news sites suffering censorship for failure to adhere to strict guidelines on coverage of sensitive political, social, and international issues.

Self-censorship is pervasive, and overt digital activism is limited, though it has increased since the electoral campaigns of The Iranian authorities restrict access to tens of thousands of websites, particularly those of international news services, the political opposition, ethnic and religious minority groups, and human rights organizations.


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Frequently censored topics include friction among Iranian political institutions and the deal with world powers to limit Iran's nuclear program in exchange for eased economic sanctions. Apps and websites have been blocked over links to foreign countries, particularly the United States and Israel.

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For example, the navigation app Waze and messaging app Viber were first blocked in and , respectively, for being developed in Israel. However, after Telegram launched free encrypted voice calling in April , the feature was immediately blocked by all ISPs on an order from the prosecutor general.

Telegram messaging functions still worked after the incident, but security forces increasingly arrested reformist Telegram channel administrators and claimed to have remove thousands of "illegal" channels every week see Content Removal, and Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities. On December 31, , Telegram and Instagram were blocked by authorities in response to antigovernment street protests that began a few days before. Although the services were unblocked on January 13 and January 4, respectively, [ 41 ] on April 26 it was announced that the SCC had ordered the closure of local CDN servers that hosted Telegram content.


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  4. Freedom of expression, association and assembly.
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  6. Internet censorship is highly politicized, often reflecting tensions between conservatives and reformists in the country. Instagram's live video feature was temporary blocked in April In November , a website close to former president Ahmadinejad, Dolat-e Bahar "Government of Spring" , was blocked by authorities. Domestic news sites are frequently blocked for criticizing the government. In August , Memari News was blocked on the order of the public prosecutor of Tehran after it published a letter from a judicial body to the Tehran municipality exposing corruption.

    Censorship decisions are made by the Committee to Determine Instances of Criminal Content CDICC , a government body headed by the prosecutor general and consisting of representatives from 12 state institutions. In theory, decisions are made on the basis of the Computer Crimes Law CCL , which outlines a broad range of banned content, from insulting religious figures and government officials to distributing pornographic content and the use of illegal circumvention tools.

    Iranian authorities currently employ a centralized filtering system that can effectively block a website within a few hours across the entire network in Iran. Private ISPs are forced to either use the bandwidth provided by the government or route traffic containing site-visit requests through government-issued filtering boxes developed by software companies inside Iran. The filtering boxes inspect URL requests submitted by users for banned text strings — either keywords or domain names — and block access accordingly. This method only limits access to content retrieved through unencrypted HTTP connections.

    Individual pages remain available over an encrypted connection HTTPS , which disguises the banned text, requiring censors to block the entire site in order to restrict access to specific content. Officials continue to call for an "intelligent filtering" system, using deep-packet inspection DPI to allow them to block specific pages, but more services have enabled HTTPS browsing, making them resilient to keyword filtering.

    Iranian authorities employ administrative measures to remove unwanted content from the web. Content removals featured prominently during the presidential election period. According to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, hours after the Rouhani campaign published a video in which reformist former President Mohammad Khatami declared his support for Rouhani's reelection bid, campaign officials were told by the judiciary to delete the video from social media or face arrest. The IRGC routinely arrested Telegram group administrators in order to coerce them to remove content or delete their channels from the platform see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities.

    This was prevalent in the months prior to the presidential election, when the reformist-aligned Telegram channels operated by Eslahtalaban News , Eslahaat News , Majmeye Eslahtalaban , and Haamiyan Dolat were either deleted or stopped publishing due to the arrest of their admins.

    On December 30, , ICT minister Azari Jahromi took to Twitter to directly ask Telegram chief executive Pavel Durov to remove the channel of the website Amad News , which he accused of promoting violence among protesters. Durov responded by saying that if the claims were confirmed, the channel would be removed. Within hours it was removed temporarily, until it assured Telegram that its terms of use would not be violated.

    Website owners must register their sites with the Ministry of Culture and are then subject to requests to remove particular posts deemed unacceptable by the government. The CCL makes service providers, such as blogging platforms, responsible for any content that appears on their sites. This has led to the suspension of blogs or shuttering of news websites hosted on platforms inside Iran, under orders from government officials. News websites are consistently warned on how to cover sensitive political or social topics, such as the nuclear deal or controversial former presidents like Khatami.

    As part of the development of SHOMA, authorities introduced regulations that essentially signaled the end of net neutrality in Iran. By splitting domestic and international traffic and creating price incentives for users to browse domestic content, Iran has created barriers to media diversity and innovation see Availability and Ease of Access.

    Self-censorship is extensive, particularly on political matters. Widespread arrests and harsh sentences meted out to journalists, activists, and ordinary citizens, as well as perceptions of pervasive surveillance, serve to deter unfettered expression online. Many journalists and bloggers abandoned their online activities or used pseudonyms after the crackdown on protests linked to that year's disputed presidential election, resulting in a palpable drop in the amount of original content produced by users based inside the country.

    The situation slightly improved after Rouhani assumed the presidency in , especially among reformist journalists. Nevertheless, the same restrictions remain in place, and journalists continue to be prosecuted. In addition to filtering, censorship, and intimidation, the state counters critical content and online organizing efforts by extending regime propaganda into the digital sphere. The regime has backed numerous initiatives to promote blogging among its supporters and members of the Basij paramilitary group. The majority of independent content producers lack the financial resources to operate in such a hostile environment.

    The online advertising market in Iran is exclusively limited to apolitical and progovernment websites. Although the United States adjusted its sanctions against Iran after the nuclear deal to enable American internet companies to provide services to Iranian users, Google still does not allow an advertising campaign to target Iran as a country, [ 66 ] disadvantaging domestic content producers as well as content producers in the diaspora seeking to cultivate an audience inside Iran.


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