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You can now post again without registering. If you are worried the person replying to your ad is a scammer, check for their details HERE. There are scammers out there so please be careful! Users use our site at their own risk. Read this warning from a user. It turns the sexual favours to abuse and rape straight away. From interviews with a further 61 sex workers, the Sonke and Sweat researchers documented horrific examples of police forcing the women to have sex with animals, compelling them to eat used condoms and refusing to assist them after they had reported abuse at the hands of clients.

But they say the officers refused to take their statements. Bhekisisa asked Gauteng police spokesperson Lungelo Dlamini whether a murder docket had been opened for Koketso and whether the police took potentially relevant statements from her colleagues. If a customer becomes abusive, a worker can press one of the panic buttons that are a feature in every room.

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Brothel owners in the Netherlands have to comply with stringent government rules. Window brothels, for instance, require operational licenses, can only do business in designated areas and must close between 6am and 8am. Even though sex workers in these brothels work for themselves, and not for the owners of the buildings, the proprietors are not permitted to rent out rooms to anyone younger than 21, which is the legal age for sex work in Amsterdam. They also have to confirm that workers have permission to work in the country and are registered with the chamber of commerce for tax purposes. Across the street, next to the canal, a man in his late forties hovers in the thin mist.

A thick wedding band constricts his ring finger. The man rubs one of his arms and scouts around nervously. Then he uses a small cloth to wipe his gold-framed glasses, hitches up his bermuda shorts and strides across the lane. I can do whatever I want, whenever I want. It was the first such five-year plan to exclude arguments advocating for decriminalisation. Decriminalising sex work — the removal of all laws against consensual adult sex work — scientists argue, will slow the epidemic among workers and their clients dramatically.

Health experts maintain that a mix of morals, politics and conservatism have trumped evidence.

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To the chagrin of civil society, the commission also recommended that sex work should continue to be fully criminalised. As a second option, it proposed a widely criticised model, the partial decriminalisation of sex work, under which it would no longer be a crime to sell sex but it would be an offence to buy it.

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Also known as the end-demand or Nordic model, partial decriminalisation has been shown to increase violence towards sex workers and decrease access to health services — two crucial elements that determine how fast HIV spreads. Tlaleng Mofokeng is a reproductive health doctor in Johannesburg and also the deputy chairperson of the advocacy group, the Sexual and Reproductive Coalition of South Africa.

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She believes sex work should not be criminalised. Mia Malan spoke by phone to Mofokeng. Sex workers must be protected. An NCOP committee has also visited Sweden — the country that pioneered partial decriminalisation — to research the model. Partial decriminalisation deprives them of those rights. The brothel, which has 14 windows spread across four buildings, and also an online booking system, opened in May You want to focus on the quality of the food and the health and safety thereof.

The constitution vows in its preamble to "heal the divisions of the past" and to "lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by law. Profound economic inequalities transect South Africa; racial, ideological, and sexual violence persists; the few who can obtain AIDS drugs live, while millions prepare to die. While steps taken by the government to address these divisions have been important, they remain inadequate.

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In this report, we show the persistence of community prejudice and violence. We document how, in the absence of clear state action to implement it, the constitution's Equality Clause remains inaccessible and unfulfilled for lesbians and gay men living in townships and rural areas. We examine the foot-dragging of political leaders in changing laws, and in creating mechanisms for enforcement and remedy.

Silence and inaction endanger the constitution's promise. A number of contexts need to be understood as a background to the spread of state-sponsored homophobia in the region. The disease has already claimed over 21 million lives in sub-Saharan Africa, and the southern African countries in which this research was conducted are the global epicenter of the crisis.

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The epidemic is so widespread in the region-about one in four adults is infected in most of these countries, in Botswana more than one in three-that every sexually active person may be considered a member of a high-risk group. The proximity of death is a fact of life in every country discussed here. Many people interviewed in this report have already died of AIDS. As the Appendix to this report shows, social prejudice and criminal penalties against certain kinds of sexual conduct long antedate the appearance of AIDS. Although the predominant means of HIV transmission in southern Africa is heterosexual sexual activity, many segments of society still associate AIDS with "homosexuals.

Meanwhile, those who endure discrimination for engaging in homosexual activity may find they are presumed as well to be both victims of AIDS and its "carriers. Fears enveloping HIV have certainly contributed to repressing discussion of, and education about, sexual health and sexual rights. The rhetoric of discrimination documented in this report is an acute threat to the anti-AIDS efforts these countries have mounted. The struggle against colonialism and white minority rule lasted longer in southern Africa than almost anywhere else in the continent.

Though Zambia and Botswana achieved independence from Britain in and respectively, and Portugal relinquished Angola and Mozambique in , Zimbabwe held its first all-race elections only in , Namibia in , and South Africa in Progress has been made toward establishing democratic processes and institutions in all these countries, but it has been uneven and uncertain. In Zimbabwe in particular, President Mugabe presides over a dissolving economy and a deep popular demand for democracy.

Gays and lesbians have served him as a scapegoat for the first and a sideshow from the second. Mugabe speaks of his country's gays and lesbians as both servants and symbol of forces outside Zimbabwe, and outside Africa, threatening the cultural integrity and welfare of his country. He sees them as vanguard of, and metaphor for, a neo-colonial invasion. Sexuality and gender are loaded questions in every country and culture, involving as they do the ways in which societies define and reproduce themselves.

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That cultural weight can also make them convenient issues for states to exploit, in the effort to impose some semblance of political unity on fractious populations-and for politicians to employ, in the quest to preserve power. Zimbabwe's economic unraveling, the collapse of its public health system, and its political instability are real disasters. In translating them into the terms of a culture war, however, Mugabe's only success is in changing the subject. In a characteristic speech in , he attacked the United Kingdom U. So let us unite against the enemy. Some voiced fear that defending a marginal group in a hostile environment would devastate their work; others refused to see the attacks as relevant to their work as rights activists.

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Yet the techniques Mugabe explored in vilifying lesbians and gays-depicting them as a group outside the scope of rights, stoking public fear and loathing, and eroding the rule of law-have since found new victims. Mugabe has attacked peaceful political opposition both through trumped-up legal charges and extralegal violence.

He has supported the extrajudicial seizure of land, and has incited and defended violence against both the white farm owners and their African employees. He has undermined the independence of the judiciary; he has conducted, and triumphed in, an election in which intimidation was rampant. Increasingly, state policy in Zimbabwe has been voiced in demagogic speeches, not in democratic law, and carried out not by delegated agents but by armed gangs.

President Nujoma of Namibia has described gays and lesbians in terms as violent as any Mugabe used. Yet, by contrast to Zimbabwe, civil society stood up to President Nujoma from the start. Human rights organizations in Namibia immediately analyzed and answered attacks on gays and lesbians as a challenge to the principles of rights. The National Society for Human Rights in Windhoek described Nujoma's rhetoric as an indication of emerging authoritarianism in Namibia. The official vilification of groups within Namibian society has also progressed beyond homosexuals. Nujoma has attacked independent media, political opposition leaders, women's rights activists, and foreigners.

The small but vigorous human rights organizations within Namibia, however, continue to condemn both Nujoma's outbursts and the social divisions they incite. Zambia-where a coalition of trade unions, intellectuals, and activists displaced the almost three decades-old Kaunda government, only to find that its successor showed the same authoritarian tendencies-provides another illustration. The administration of Frederick Chiluba , implementing deeply unpopular economic policies, found the Mugabe model an attractive prescription for boosting its flagging support.

Demonizing homosexuals-to which it devoted several months in provided a useful distraction, and a convenient way of gaining political credit with both Christian churches and rural traditionalists. Yet it confirmed an indifference to rights protections that steadily characterized how the government answeredother challenges to its political control.